The Playboy Report on American Men

Although we live in a time when increasing emphasis is placed on the concerns of women, youth, the aged, minorities and other groups, there remains one indisputable fact—men control the institutions that dominate American life.

It's also true that knowledge about the American male in his prime years is vital, because his reactions to his personal and social environment will, in the years to come, have a major influence on the course of those institutions. Recognizing the lack of recent data, Playboy Enterprises commissioned Louis Harris and Associates, Inc., to probe the values, lifestyles and aspirations of the American man—to paint a picture of him in his active adult years, at that moment when he is busy shaping the world for himself and others. There are some 48,000,000 men in the United States between the ages of 18 and 49; it was a cross section of this group that we were after. We asked Professors William Simon, Ph.D., University of Houston, and Patricia Y. Miller, Ph.D., Smith College, in consultation with Louis Harris and Associates, to analyze and interpret the mountains of material generated by the study. What they discovered is an important underlying measure of the American male's receptivity to changes taking place in society—changes to which he himself is contributing, often unknowingly, on a day-to-day basis. This measure translates into profiles of four distinct types of men: Traditionalists, Conventionalists, Contemporaries and Innovators.

Each of the 1990 men who took part in the intensive, face-to-face interviews was placed in one of the above categories, depending on his attitudes toward three current issues that promise to change the status quo in American society: sexual relations outside marriage; the transformation in the status of women; and decriminalization of such victimless crimes as prostitution, gambling and smoking marijuana.

The responses to questions in those key areas provided the guidelines for assigning the men to the four basic categories. Traditionalists, then, are generally men who oppose decriminalization of victimless crimes, disapprove of sexual relations outside marriage and don't support changes in the status of women. Conventionalists are men who express opposition to two out of three of the basic issues. Contemporaries generally support change in any two of the three issues. And Innovators are men who approve of change in all three areas.

The results show that American men are fairly equally divided among the four major classifications: Traditionalists, 23 percent; Conventionalists, 27 percent; Contemporaries, 25 percent; and Innovators, 25 percent.

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Although this breakdown may be of scant comfort to Innovators who might prefer radical and immediate changes in society, it is worth noting that, after 15 years of upheavals—the Vietnam war, Watergate and the women's movement being just three we can mention—and a period of time in the Seventies when Americans were supposed to be forgetting about their commitments to social issues, three quarters of the American men surveyed are willing to consider or actively embrace sweeping societal changes.

Clearly, with 50 percent of the men either Contemporaries or Innovators, the question of how much change there will be in the Eighties depends on how much that group can convince the Conventionalists that the alternatives already espoused by them represent society's mainstream. And because what appears radical when first adopted by the Innovators is altered by the Contemporaries, it then appears less threatening when considered by the Conventionalists.

Out of the mass of raw data, we have prepared charts and tables to highlight the statistical material. But it is useful to summarize our findings, with more detailed analyses to follow.

We see the American male, for example, placing a high value on his family life, health, love and peace of mind. At the same time, he doesn't seem to find much comfort in organized religion. The priorities that he expresses in his value system suggest that it's the blessings of this world that attract him, more than the promise of spiritual rewards. And he recognizes that many of this world's blessings are to be found in the rewards of work.

Men today consider a car, a house, a bank account and a vacation every year to be necessities, not luxuries. Yet affluence isn't equally distributed. One of the important discoveries of this study is the distinct disaffection of young, blue-collar nonstudents 18 to 22 years of age. The rebellious college student of the Sixties has been replaced by someone tending to express positive feelings toward the system. But for the young men not in college—those most likely to bear the brunt of unemployment—there are the prospects of the least attractive jobs and relatively low pay. Naturally, these men tend to be the most discontented, pessimistic and alienated in society.

Conversely, the most involved group in our society turns out to be upper-middleclass men. That segment may well have a political influence out of proportion to its numbers—not because of any corruption in the system but simply because these men are more active politically and have more confidence in their ability to influence the political process. The Seventies have been widely perceived as a conservative period, a time of rest after the intense political activity of the past decade. The survey indicates that even now, below the surface, there may be a great deal of discontent. American men identify many issues—crime and inflation, among them—as very important. At the same time, there's strong support for greater freedom in areas of personal morality. The findings suggest that America is turning not toward conservatism but toward a new personal liberalism to rival if not replace the social liberalism of previous decades. The role of government, as the new liberalism views it, is to protect and sustain the individual—but to leave him free to be himself.

American men envision an increasingly important place for leisure. Many men have over 40 hours a week that they consider leisure time. Many take two or more vacations a year, and some even feel they have too much leisure time. Most men use a portion of their leisure for certain basic, universally recognized purposes, such as spending time with friends and loved ones, resting and getting one's mind off the job. Beyond that, they tend to branch out into specialized interests—sports, self-improvement, the arts or hobbies. All classes of American men engage to some degree in all kinds of leisure pursuits, but there are also areas of diversity that stem from class differences. Upper-middle-class men show a marked superiority in reading, cultural pursuits, (continued on page 232) American Men (continued from page 94) volunteer work and political activity. The charge that America is a cultural wasteland is refuted by the large number of men who devote their leisure to reading, to the arts and to continuing education.

But any conclusion to this study must focus to some degree on the vanguard thinkers and doers of society—in this instance, today's Innovator male. For it is the Innovator who points—through his values and behavior—to where society as a whole may be heading. To understand the Innovator of today may prove useful in anticipating our future. Among the Innovators, a new system of values and a new lifestyle are taking shape. Whether or not Innovators will continue as a sizable minority, whether or not their particular style will take hold and at what pace among the rest of the male population can't be predicted with certainty. But it's safe to suggest that some things Innovators embrace will endure to become a more permanent part of our culture. These men tend to be individualistic, self-centered and pleasure-oriented in their approach to life. The Innovator doesn't do things out of a sense of social or moral obligation. He's willing to participate in all the institutions of American life—marriage, family, work—but he wants reasons for doing so that appeal to his self-interest.

Today's Innovator doesn't represent what used to be called the counterculture—the dropouts and radicals of the Sixties. In the arenas of work and politics, he's indistinguishable, for the most part, from men with other social-change orientations—the Traditionalists, Conventionalists and Contemporaries. The Innovator is a rather effective participant in the system, judging by the fact that he tends to be more affluent and better educated than those in the three other groups. Even in his use of leisure, he's not significantly different from other men.

But it is in the most private, most intimate aspects of his life that the Innovator distinguishes himself. A man's social-change orientation appears to be most influential in determining attitudes toward love, sex, marriage, the family, religious and philosophical beliefs and personal adornment. The Innovator attaches less importance to family life than most other American men do. He isn't as swayed by the time-honored reasons for marrying. In a mate, he seeks a woman with admirable qualities of her own, rather than someone who'll assist and complement him. He places a higher value on sex—and is more dissatisfied with his own sex life—than men in other groups. He prefers a small family and wouldn't remain in an unsuccessful marriage for the sake of the children. He considers individual growth to be a factor in a successful marriage and places a lower premium on sexual fidelity than does the Traditionalist. The Innovator is generally more likely to favor sexual relations outside marriage.

The Innovator goes beyond other American men in his acceptance of such controversial items as long hair, jewelry for men, hair transplants, designer clothes, hairpieces and plastic surgery. He's more likely to be an atheist (although a majority of Innovators do believe in a Supreme Being), is less likely to give credence to an afterlife and is unlikely to attend a place of worship regularly.

If society as a whole does move in the direction of the Innovator philosophy—and it's by no means a foregone conclusion that it will—that doesn't mean the disappearance of the family, as some social prophets have proclaimed. It will mean the continued evolution of the family toward a less confining, less permanent, less all-embracing model: The absolutist family of earlier generations will be replaced by what has been termed the family of limited liability.

Perhaps more than anything else, The Playboy Report on American Men underscores the diversity that's inherent—and still emerging—in the American male in his prime years. In all his values, his ways of relating to his loved ones, his personal appearance and his attitudes and responses to other areas of everyday life, the American male shows variety along the entire spectrum from traditional to innovative. As a manifestation of a pluralistic society, there is not just one American male but many—and this variety may be our best hope for the future.

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During the interviews, the researchers pulled some 400 separate "items" of information from the respondents—in categories as varied as family life, love and sex, money, religion and psychotherapy.

Men and the Family

In responding to the poll's basic values, 84 percent of American men said that family life is "very important" to them for a happy and satisfied life (see "Basic Values of American Men," page 92). Clearly, most Americans will continue to live in family units.

But the idea of family life today attracts different levels of support. Two thirds (66 percent) of Traditionalists—compared with two out of five (42 percent) Innovators—rate family life as one of the two or three most important things for their personal happiness. There's less commitment to family life among single men, those from broken marriages, the young and the poor. But regardless of age, social class or marital status, Innovators—and, to a lesser extent, Contemporaries—consistently assign a lower value to family life.

The family today is burdened with more major social responsibilities than any other institution. Its range of responsibilities runs from the mental health of its individual members to the survival of the species. In the future, the family will perform fewer of these significant functions, and the focus of what's important for the family will subtly shift from an emphasis on meeting social obligations to a greater emphasis on personal needs and satisfactions.

That shift is already obvious in the reasons the men gave for getting married. Of 14 frequently given reasons to marry, just two were rated "very important" by clear majorities of men: "having another person to share one's life" (74 percent) and "to have someone to share important life experiences with" (62 percent). Two out of five men (43 percent) cited children as a very important reason to marry. A "steady sex life" was mentioned by one out of four (28 percent).

The differences between Traditionalists and Innovators were most marked in pointing to "having and raising children" and "having someone to grow old with" as reasons for marrying—with far fewer Innovators regarding those as "very important."

But once the question Why get married? has been answered, a tougher one pops up: What makes for a successful marriage? Given a list of 13 features of marriage—from "having children" to "religion in the home" to "husband and wife spending most of their free time together" to "husband sharing household chores"—men were asked to state how important each is for a successful marriage. Ten of the features reflected what women's magazines used to call togetherness. The percentage from each group citing five or more togetherness features as "very important" breaks down like this: Traditionalists, 71 percent; Conventionalists, 60 percent; Contemporaries, 48 percent; and Innovators, 34 percent.

The lesser value of togetherness coupled with greater emphasis on individual development among Innovators suggests that this group has developed a perspective on marriage that's relatively new in our society. According to the togetherness ethic, marriage joins two incomplete individuals. In such marriages, each partner hopes to find in the mate the qualities he or she lacks. The support among Innovators of individual autonomy and growth within marriage also implies that these men don't view marriage as compensating for their own inadequacies or those of their mates. Rather than regarding personal growth as secondary in a marriage or as a menace to marital solidarity, these men would be more likely to feel that the stronger each partner is in a marriage, the stronger the marriage is.

Men, Love and Sex

When questioned about love and sex, nearly all men (99 percent) said they consider love important for their happiness—and 85 percent declared that it's "very important."

Traditionalists and Innovators, however, tend to differ in the qualities they consider most important in a lover (see "Looking for the Ideal Lover," page 93), but both agree they prefer "someone to be totally open and honest with." Traditionalists are more concerned than Innovators that their ideal lover be unconditionally accepting of them. Among Innovators, though, there appears to be less emphasis on loyalty and acceptance—suggesting that the men in this group want to see their ideals as equals: women who are intelligent and who can be relied upon to really share in their lives.

Twice as many Innovators (32 percent) as Traditionalists (15 percent) place their highest value on a woman who is sexually exciting, yet all groups ranked "someone to fulfill your wildest fantasies" as the least important quality in an ideal lover.

To questions about the importance of sex in their lives, slightly fewer than half (49 percent) of American men in their prime years describe sex as being "very important" for their own personal happiness. And from a list of factors commonly linked to happiness in adulthood, 17 percent of men report that sex is among the least important. Naturally, Contemporaries and Innovators generally place a higher value on sex than do Traditionalists and Conventionalists. Post-married men (57 percent) are more likely to regard sex as important than are men who have never married (45 percent). Among married men, half (50 percent) say that sex is important for a happy, satisfied life. Surprisingly, only about half the men in the survey said they were "very satisfied" with their sex lives. It's the Innovators who express the least satisfaction, while also placing the most emphasis on sex.

Men and Religion

In the matter of their spiritual life, eight out of ten (82 percent) American men in their prime years say they believe in a Supreme Being—but fewer than a third (30 percent) of American men today say that they regularly attend a place of worship. Religious attendance is predictably highest among Traditionalists (56 percent) and lowest among Innovators (ten percent). One in three married men goes to church regularly, as compared with one in four single men and one in eight among the previously married. Regular religious attendance is lowest among the lower class (23 percent) and increases steadily to about 37 percent among upper-middle-class men.

Only two men out of five (41 percent) say that religion is "very important" to them personally. But when those who rate religion as "somewhat important" are combined with those who call it "very important," the result is a majority (69 percent) with positive feelings toward religion. Still, American men rank religion next to last on a list of 11 values that promise happiness and satisfaction (see "Basic Values of American Men," page 92).

Researchers found a wide variance in support between Traditionalists and Innovators regarding those belief systems that aren't considered traditional in American society. Those alternative systems—the various new therapies, self-help strategies and religious movements—apparently do attract significant minorities. More than two out of five (44 percent) American men believe that at least three of the belief systems—other than organized religion—are useful. Support for alternative belief systems rises with class position: Men of higher education and income appear more likely to entertain competing systems of ideas.

The tendency of the young, the affluent, the Contemporaries and the Innovators to support alternative belief systems suggests that a fundamental shift may be under way in the time-honored American conceptions of self, religion and society. In the context of older American ideologies, resignation to life's trials and following through on necessities and responsibilities provided the primary and perhaps only approved route to happiness. Now "letting it all hang out," "getting in touch with yourself" and "doing your own thing" have all become part of the American idiom—and of a new American lifestyle.

Men and Drugs

Another part of that new lifestyle is the widespread use of drugs—though no single drug has the approval of a majority of American men (see "Drug Use by the General Public," page 93). They give the greatest support to the use of tranquilizers, sleeping pills and marijuana. Only one man in 50 (two percent) approves of the use of heroin by the general public. In recent years, drug use has been found in virtually every American community. At the same time, there have been marked changes in the kinds of people who use drugs, in the varieties of drugs available for "recreational' use and in the reasons for using drugs. The search for self-understanding or expansion and for better ways to relate to others has led many to seek chemical solutions. For some, drugs serve as a palliative for failure in life, and for others, they have become a luxury-pleasure to be enjoyed by those who have "arrived." Cocaine, for example, has become a very fashionable recreational drug among some members of the upper middle class. While heroin remains predominantly the drug of the alienated poor, some use of recreational heroin among the affluent is occurring.

Permissive attitudes toward drugs seem to decline with age. But men's responses today reflect a unique period in our cultural history: Only those now in their 20s and early 30s have directly experienced the period when drugs rose to new prominence. Men now over 40 represent, in effect, a more sober and remote generation. It's possible that the 40-year-olds of the future will have more favorable attitudes toward drugs than the comparable group today, although studies show that with age, attitudes tend to grow more conservative. A majority (58 percent) of American men approve of some recreational or self-prescribed drug use.

Men, Money and Jobs

If money is the root of all evil, it's also the root of some happiness to almost everybody. Ninety-seven percent of the men questioned ascribe some importance to money for their personal happiness, with two out of five (39 percent) declaring it "very important." And yet a significant minority of men—totaling 15 percent—feel that money isn't particularly important to them for their personal happiness. Obviously, considerable ambivalence toward money exists among American men. Fewer (39 percent) point to money as "very important" than to any of the ten other basic values (see "Basic Values of American Men," page 92). But money rises dramatically—from last place to fifth place, after family life, health, peace of mind and love—when men are asked to choose three of the basic values that are most important to them.

That isn't surprising. Along with the affluence of the Sixties came a general recognition that once people satisfy such basic needs as food, clothing and shelter, they discover other needs and problems that were previously ignored.

Among the basic values, money reveals the greatest discrepancy between "importance" and "satisfaction." While two out of five men (39 percent) say money is "very important" for their happiness, fewer than half that many report being "very satisfied" with their incomes. Age doesn't alter men's attitudes concerning the importance of money for happiness, but satisfaction with income does increase with age.

While the importance of money may be open to debate, the intrinsic importance of the work that produces that money seems much more clear-cut. Nearly one man in five (19 percent) points to work as one of the two or three more important things in his life (see "Basic Values of American Men," page 92). Virtually all men (99 percent) say that work is important to them in some degree. And three out of four men (76 percent) would continue to work even if guaranteed an adequate income. The view that work is important is shared equally among men, regardless of age, marital status or class. As with men's attitudes toward money, there seems to be little difference among Traditionalists, Conventionalists, Contemporaries and Innovators on questions related to work.

Considering the importance men attach to work, though, it's surprising that a relatively small percentage of men (36 percent) find work a major source of satisfaction. One in five men (21 percent) admits that he's dissatisfied on the job. Work apparently produces far less satisfaction among men than most of the other basic values.

Of course, some groups of men report higher levels of satisfaction with work than others: Married men, for example, are more likely to be "very satisfied" with their jobs than either singles or the post-married, and older men tend to derive greater satisfaction from their jobs than younger men. There's also some evidence to suggest that satisfaction with work increases as the rewards and, presumably, the challenges of work increase. By two to one, upper-middle-class men indicate higher levels of job satisfaction than lower-class men.

Naturally, men seek different things from their jobs. Is there any kind of consensus? When asked to evaluate 27 aspects of their jobs—including economic, social and emotional rewards, as well as intrinsic satisfactions—majorities of men chose 15 as "very important" (see "Evaluating Job Rewards," page 94). Intrinsic work satisfactions are obviously of paramount interest to American men. Five of the 15 items ranked "very important" relate to rewards to be found on the job itself. "A chance to use your mind and abilities" ranks the highest, with four out of five men (79 percent) stressing its importance. Similarly, "doing meaningful things" and "a chance for personal growth" are rated third and fifth, respectively, with two men in three describing them as "very important." Interestingly, "not having to work too hard" ranks 26th out of the 27 job rewards.

Second in over-all importance are the economic returns from work. Seven out of ten men (70 percent) report that "job security" is "very important" to them. Majorities of men also endorse "a good salary," "a chance for advancement," "a good pension plan" and "fringe benefits."

But though important, monetary rewards in themselves aren't overriding. Ranked 23rd on the list is "an opportunity to make a great deal of money," with one in three men (36 percent) regarding it as "very important." Rewards that are social and emotional in nature have a high place in men's thinking about their jobs: "Friendly people to work with" ranks fourth and is cited by two out of three men (67 percent) as "very important." Similarly, "working for a company you respect," "appreciation for a job well done" and "having the respect of the people you work with" are regarded as "very important" by at least three men out of five. While social and emotional rewards appear to be less significant than intrinsic and economic rewards, work remains predominantly a social experience for most men. The quality of interpersonal relationships and the recognition accorded a man by others on the job are central to his satisfaction within that social experience.

But again—as with questions regarding the importance of money—priorities surface when men are pressed to select the four or five job rewards that are most important to them. Economic aspects, which before were secondary to intrinsic work factors, now become the most important group of job rewards for American men. "A good salary," "job security" and "a good pension plan" place among the top five on the list (see "Evaluating Job Rewards," question II, page 94). Men agree strongly on only two values associated with job satisfaction—salary and security. Both are based on economics. Equally significant, "a good pension plan" rises from 13th to fifth place.

The predominance of economic values when a man takes a hard and balanced look at what's really important to him in a job may reflect an unstable contemporary economic situation. In a period of economic uncertainty, men don't always demand of their employment what it may not be able to provide, such as engaging or growth-enhancing work. During uncertain times, income and job security become the major concerns.

In any case, work is essential to a man's sense of identity and to his masculinity—it's the aspect of his life he takes most seriously.

Men and The Issues

What are the dominant national concerns of American men these days? Given a list of major problems confronting America, men generally assign the highest priorities to those of a purely domestic nature (see "Rating Our National Priorities," page 94). Nine out of ten men (90 percent) point to the reduction of crime as a leading national priority, a judgment shared equally by men of all ages and classes. Following crime are five issues viewed as "very important" by at least 75 percent of American men. Three of those—eliminating corruption in government, promoting world peace and eliminating energy shortages—are cited by almost equal percentages of men, regardless of age or class. The two others—reduction of inflation and unemployment—are economic issues attracting greater interest among the less affluent.

Asked about the "hot issues" of the day, the men responded as follows:

Two out of three (68 percent) American men favor capital punishment, with the lowest levels of support coming from the young and those in the lower class. Support for capital punishment is generally interpreted as a conservative trend indicating increased punitiveness and moral rigidity, but that interpretation may be inadequate today. The shift in favor of capital punishment may reflect a general sense of frustration among Americans, exacerbated by rising crime rates and a criminal-justice system that seems unable to cope with this problem. Interestingly, a clear majority of men (56 percent) favor greater control of handguns, with support for gun control strongest among college students.

Decriminalization of marijuana is supported by half (51 percent) of all men. As might be expected, men under 30 are far more likely to support marijuana-law reform than are older men. That is true of both students and non-students. In terms of class, students and more affluent men express greater support for reform than do the other groups.

As for legalized gambling and prostitution, more men (57 percent) support the legalization of gambling than support legalized prostitution (45 percent). The strongest opposition to legalized gambling and prostitution is found among lower-class men—those least able to afford such pursuits—while upper-class men lean more toward legalization. Overall, the substantial support for decriminalization of victimless crimes implies a general weakening of the hardline, law-and-order position where morality is concerned.

Men and Leisure

The American male contemplates national issues or relaxes from the job during his nonworking hours. But we found that he plays a lot, too.

One man in four (23 percent) says he has more than 40 hours of leisure time during an average week. That means that for a quarter of the men in America, leisure time exceeds the hours of the conventional work week. Another three out of ten men (28 percent) say they have between 26 and 40 hours of leisure time in an average week.

The 40-hour work week has been part of the American scene for only about 50 years, so the availability of large blocks of leisure time is a relatively new development in our society—a development that brings new opportunities and new problems as well.

More than half (54 percent) of American men are satisfied with the leisure time they now have. That appears to be generally the case, regardless of age, marital status or social class. One in three men (35 percent) feels he would like more leisure time, while one in ten (11 percent) says he has too much free time. Family responsibilities apparently take up a good portion of after-work hours for American husbands and fathers, so those men are more likely to say they don't have enough leisure. For some single and postmarried men, though, the greater availability of leisure time poses some problems. Satisfaction with leisure requires knowledge of how to use time and, in a great many instances, the money to get what one wants. Where those elements are lacking, leisure can become less enjoyable.

When asked to name two or three of the most important purposes of leisure, more men agreed that "to have a good time with the people closest to me" is uppermost. Men who've never been married are more apt to stress the importance of keeping in shape and doing new and exciting things than either married or previously married men. Among men in those categories, about one in four says that keeping in shape and doing new and exciting things are important. Developing new relationships is an important leisure-time goal for three out of ten single and postmarried men, while only a handful of married men—one in 12 (eight percent)—see this as important.

Which specific leisure activities do men actually participate in? From a list of 21, ten are pursued by majorities or near majorities of men. Some of the most popular pastimes among men are watching television, listening to music at home, listening to the radio, social activities such as dining out, going dancing, giving or attending parties and reading. One man in two (52 percent) regularly engages in outdoor activities such as hunting, fishing, boating or hiking. Watching television and listening to music or the radio are private activities, and the high consensus in those areas is indicative of men's needs to escape from the trials of the workday.

Given a list of 22 sports, men are most likely to participate on a regular basis in outdoor activities, such as hunting, fishing, camping, hiking or backpacking. In addition, a third (32 percent) of the men swim regularly. Developmental sports, such as jogging and weight lifting, also attract large numbers of men. Competitive sports remain very popular, with softball, tennis and football the three most frequently cited games in which American men take part regularly. What might be called experiential sports—such as skiing, scuba diving, motorcycle riding or car racing—also generate a good number of male enthusiasts. In such sports, the quality of the experience, sometimes centering on risk, is the dominant motivation.

Increasing attention to leisure is reflected in the growth of industries serving the leisure market, as Americans continue to invest more and more of their income in sporting goods, vacations and admissions to cultural and sporting events. Leisure attire, once of interest only to the rich, now is part of the standard wardrobe for every class.

The vacation—and the vacation away from home—has become a conventional aspect of American life. An impressive 71 percent of American men say that one vacation a year is a necessity, while another 18 percent indicate that two vacations a year are necessary. Although not a necessity in the traditional sense, the vacation has become so customary that not having one, or not going somewhere on vacation, is considered a significant deprivation. Class differences aren't very evident in the broad categories of leisure activities men choose (in 14 out of 21 categories, class differences weren't substantial). But differences do surface relative to the kinds of experiences enjoyed during leisure time. Both rich man and poor man may be equally committed to outdoor activities, for example—but one may fish in the Caribbean while the other trolls from a rented rowboat on a local lake. The ability to fill leisure hours with meaningful or pleasurable activity isn't something that follows automatically from the availability of time or money. Men are still searching for fulfillment in leisure. For some, creative use of leisure may await the development of new values, competencies or self-conceptions; for others, it may require a further shift in lifestyle. The varied responses of men suggest that cultural activity in America is diverse and dynamic, with large numbers of men reading, supporting the arts and, to a lesser extent, participating in the arts. Each percentage point in this survey is equal to approximately 480,000 men, which means that 10,000,000 men regularly attend theater, music or dance performances and over 6,000,000 regularly actively engage in some artistic pursuit.

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Those are just some of the findings—and possible interpretations—of The Playboy Report on American Men. In his work, his political positions, his leisure activities and other interests, the American male today exhibits a wide diversity of responses reflecting the influences of age, marital status and position within the class hierarchy, among other things. Yet, taken as a whole, the results of the poll draw a useful profile of the American male—a profile that should provide observers of our society with new and valuable insights.

Today's Men:

How does He live?

What does He believe?

Whom does He Love?

What does He want?

Basic values of American Men ... Relatively speaking

Values are sometimes a matter of degree. The ranking on the left shows what percentage of respondents thought the corresponding table of basic values, taken one by one, were "very important" to them personally for a happy and satisfied life. But when the men were pressed to pick from that same table the three most important values to them personally, the list—at right—ended up in a much different order.

1. Health 89%

2. Love 85

3. Peace of mind 84

4. Family life 84

5. Work 65

6. Friends 63

7. Respect from others 58

8. Education 57

9. Sex 49

10. Religion 41

11. Money 39

1. Family life 56%

2. Health 35

3. Peace of mind 32

4. Love 25

5. Money 25

6. Friends 20

7. Work 19

8. Religion 16

9. Respect from others 10

10. Education 9

11. Sex 8

Looking for the Ideal Lover

(Qualities sought and percentage naming each quality)

Traditionalists

1. Someone to be totally open and honest with 55%

2. Someone who understands and respects you 43

3. Someone you feel comfortable with 40

4. Someone who accepts you just as you are 36

5. Someone who is loyal to you, right or wrong 34

6. Someone who is physically attractive 30

7. Someone who is sensitive to your needs 27

8. Someone who is intelligent 18

9. Someone who is sexually exciting 15

10. Someone who is tender 12

11. Someone who gets new and exciting ideas 3

12. Someone to fulfill your wildest fantasies 2

Innovators

1. Someone to be totally open and honest with 50%

2. Someone who is physically attractive 40

3. Someone who understands and respects you 38

4. Someone who is intelligent 36

5. Someone you feel comfortable with 35

6. Someone who is sexually exciting 32

7. Someone who accepts you just as you are 31

8. Someone who is sensitive to your needs 26

9. Someone who is loyal to you, right or wrong 15

10. Someone who is tender 13

11. Someone who gets new and exciting ideas 10

12. Someone to fulfill your wildest fantasies 5

Evaluating Job Rewards

Rating Our National Priorities

(Percentage "Very Important" by class)

"The absolutist family will be replaced by what has been termed the family of limited liability."