Sex in Iran

A LEAKED EHOTIC VIDEO ALLEGEDLY EXPOSES AN IRANIAN ACTRESS AND LIFTS THE VEIL ON A CONFLICTED SOCIETY

1 he film begins with a dark-haired man in his mid-20s lying naked on a bed, hands behind his head, casually enjoying sex. Reaching out, he _ takes hold of the camera and swings it around to reveal the attrac­tive brunette who's on top of him. About the same age and wearing nothing but a smile, she rides him. coolly allowing a creaking twin bed to make all the noise within the red-hued confines of the small, dimly lit room. The pleasure on her face is unmistakable and. to many in the strict Islamic country of . Iran, so is the face itself.

Zahra Amir Ebrahimi is one of that nation's most ascendant actresses, known for portraying religious, morally upstanding characters on a trio of the past few years' top-rated TV soaps: Help Me. Strangeness and, most famously. Narges. a prince-and-the-pauper-type drama about the trials and tribulations of a wealthy patriarch's three children, which was watched by 68 percent of the Iranian audience during its run. Now here she allegedly is, both dominant and submissive, on a 26-minute-and-17-second recording, giving a performance that's causing a storm in her homeland. Nicknamed Narges <?. the film seems to depict three encounters of tender lovemaking involving scenes of leisurely foreplay, fellatio and ejaculation. Though dimly lit and photographed with a not always advantageously positioned camera, the home movie is burning up the Internet, and a DVD has sold an estimated 100,000 copies and grossed about $4 million—a record in the annals of Iranian

moviemaking—since the story broke last October. But all may not be as it seems, at least according to Ebrahimi.

Dubbed Iran's Paris Hilton and interrogated multiple times at the request of Tehran's hard-line chief prosecutor. Saeed Mortazavi. Ebrahimi strenuously denies participating in the sex tape, which her ex-partner and co-star has reportedly claimed they filmed at her apartment a couple of years ago. Instead she insists the man authorities call Mr X—identi­fied by our sources as Shahram Shahamat. an aspiring film director—employed a look-alike actress and professional montage techniques to create a fake video in order to ruin Ebrahimi's career after she jilted him because of his infidel­ity. If her story is true, he did a pretty convincing job. If not. she could be in real trouble. Were she convicted of violating morality laws. Ebrahimi would face the possibility of a public lashing with a leather strap, jail time or worse.

Initially rumored by the Iranian media to have committed suicide while in police custody. Ebrahimi has been barred by authorities from speaking publicly. However, she made a statement to the Iranian Labor News Agency in Novem­ber 2006. saying in a sarcastic tone. "I wish to reassure

or at least inform my friends that I, Zahra Ebrahimi. the so-called actress who looks very much like the one who appears in the movie that's been exchanging hands since the middle of Ramadan, am in good health, and as yet I haven't found enough reason to kill myself."

Whatever the truth, Ebrahimi has had the ironic experience of becom­ing a fixture on the front pages of several of the independent but tightly controlled daily papers (on state-run TV and radio the story got minimal play) while watching her career go down the tubes. Although Narges was on hiatus when the scandal broke, release of her two most recent movies. A Trip to Heidaloo and It's a Star, has been delayed on the advice of authorities while the investigation continues Since she hasn't been charged, no ban has been ordered, but in Iran it would be more than a little foolish to ignore such advice.

Within a year of the 1979 revolution that saw the Ayatollah Khomeini overthrow the Shah's govern­ment. Iran was converted from

the region's most Westernized society into a restrictive Islamic republic. For many this amounted to a hijacking— the democratically chosen replacement for a royal despot transformed the country into a hard-line theocracy The subsequent mass migration, coupled with the countless executions of activists and deposed power brokers labeled mofsed e fel arz—the most corrupt on earth—left behind a population composed of people who either supported the government or were too exhausted to resist, all of whom were expected to reject Western values in favor of strict Islamic law. Once the government realized this was impos­sible to enforce, it settled for public obeisance to morality laws and focused on raising a new generation that would passionately embrace the regime

It was targeting a large group Iran is now home to around 70 million people, but because of mass fatalities in the war with Iraq in the 1980s and an officially sanctioned baby boom, the country has a median age of 25. one of the world's youngest. Yet despite the governments indoctrina­tion, it appears that many young Iranians have rejected traditional beliefs. The Ebrahimi scandal provides us with a

window into the psyche of people who quite simply have developed their own philosophical outlook: Live now. and let the future take care of itself More important, the Narges 2 video exposes the double standards within Iranian culture that toy with Islamic rules, lifting the veil on a schizoid society that juxtaposes religious fun­damentalism with a youthful lust for sex. drink, drugs, parties and mate­rial possessions The very idea that Ebrahimi could have been a willing participant flies in the face of her prior public image, and it also gets in the face of a society torn between tradition and modernity, unsure of its identity and ambivalent about moral values and social norms

Regardless of country or jurisdic­tion, there are legal repercussions whenever a personal sex tape is made public without all the partici­pants' consent. However, in Iran a person can be in trouble just for having made the film Westerners can generally do what they want in private, but in the Islamic world each person has a moral duty to publicly

acknowledge his or her transgres­sions And since religion underpins the society, moral obligations have become legal ones. too.

In Iran, sharia law governs every­one's life, private and public. Islam differs from other religions that discourage nonprocreative sex by acknowledging a man's sex drive, though it ignores a woman's. This has resulted in a culture that allows men to gratify themselves but expects women to be submissive. But with Ebrahimi or Madame X clearly enjoy­ing herself, the sexual role of Iranian women is being redefined—or will be if authorities don't clamp down soon. Camcorders weren't around when sharia law was conceived, and now it is trying to play catch-up amid a torrent of vivid images and divided opinions No one is quite sure where to draw the line

"These DVDs are targeting our youths and endangering family mor­als." declared a letter from 150 members of the Iranian Parliament to Ayatollah Hashemi Shahroudi, the country's judiciary chief. "The gov­ernment should accelerate the pro­cess of arrest and conviction and then hand out the harshest penal­ties." The letter called for those who produce and distribute sex films to be punished by hanging.

In response, acclaimed writer and political activist Emadeddin Baghi wrote an open letter to Parliament, calling for moderation "Execution will resolve nothing," he asserted, pointing out that excising the root of the problem should be the primary concern. "The question to be asked is why this immoral DVD has broken Iranian film-industry records by making S4 million That figure shows the extent of our social problems."

Among those problems is pros­titution, particularly teenage pros­titution The reputable Iranian Labor News Agency has estimated the number of prostitutes to be between 300.000 and 600.000. and the proposed remedies diverge just as widely One female parliamen­tarian called for public hangings of prostitutes, while several promi­nent clerics suggested legalizing brothels This stimulated a national debate, with the government vowing to address the root causes, which it identified as poverty, unemployment, drug addiction and family conflicts. It also recognized that men marry­ing later and the increasing divorce rate have left more single males around to drive up demand.

But condemning prostitution and porn is easy for the authorities. It's another matter to deal with the

titillating image of a naked actress with a Brazilian wax enjoy­ing sex in multiple positions. Ignoring it could be perceived as legal approval; punishing it could open a can of worms—try enforcing a ban on all such behavior at a time when more and more people are filming their own sex sessions.

Even with several months having passed since the sex-tape story broke, simply raising the incident in any cafe or shop­ping area is enough to illustrate its impact. Just as the O.J. Simpson case gave Americans a way to discuss and con­front their feelings about such difficult subjects as race, sex and police power the Ebrahimi scandal is allowing Ira-mans to confront their attitudes about sex and construct rationales for accepting or not accepting what they ve seen. We spoke to a variety of urban, middle-class Iranians, and though we received a range of reactions, none were condemnatory. Some even found the film exciting. "My hus­band. Mani. and I watched the film without feeling guilty." says Yasmin. (Fearing government retribution for publicly expressing their opinions, those interviewed for this article have asked that their surnames be withheld.) "Personally I don't care if it was Ebrahimi or if she was drugged. We watched it as a porno movie. The sex was hot. I kept saying,

What great love.' My husband kept saying. What great sex.' Watching this kind of movie isn't a sin."

Curiosity drew Pejman. a high school teacher, to the film. "My primary reason for watching it was to see how much naked sex Ebrahimi has in the movie." he admits. "I always liked her in Narges. and I think she is very pretty. I also wanted to see if it was really her"

Even conservative Iranians have seen the film. Mehri. a 30-year-old Tehran woman who describes herself as very traditional, watched the film just to confirm what her hus­band had described taking place. "That she did something sacrilegious and immoral makes me very angry at her." she says, "but the fact that her reputation has been forever destroyed makes me feel very sorry for her"

Behnam. a young graduate student at the University of Tehran, watched the "supermovie." as Iranians often refer to porn flicks, with nine fellows in his dormitory. Each chipped in around S4 to buy the DVD—at one time the going rate was as high as S50. equivalent to the average weekly wage in Iran. "Most of the guys saw the film at least a couple of times." Behnam says. "Once to check if it was really her and then to actually enjoy what was going on. Afterward the dorm walls were covered with Zahra Ebrahimi's pictures, some torn from magazines of her wearing a veil and others nude screen grabs from the movie."

Behnam says he did not enjoy the film. "I couldn't watch it all the way through." he says. "I got sick during the part where the guy forces her to have sex from behind and she cries. Clearly she is unhappy. I thought it was inhuman."

Most who have seen the film would say Behnam is mis­reading the scene. Ebrahimi seems to be shedding tears of emotion, not pain: she writhes sensuously and caresses her lover with apparent affection. Even so. we often see what we want to see. Behnam's interpretation is typical of this conflicted society, where people move unpredictably

between traditional thoughts and modern behavior, and mod­ern thoughts and traditional behavior, and where it may be easier to feel sorry for Zahra the victim than accept the sight of a liberated woman enjoying sex.

Although President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's ultraconserva-tive government constantly decries the corrupting effects of Western culture, it can do little to control people s private actions. Consequently, it has sought to make an example of the highest-profile offenders, even when the crime is less than salacious. For instance, a TV host was recently fired for being filmed dancing with the bride at a wedding Perhaps because the government is unsure about how to deal with immoral personal behavior, it has shifted its focus toward those who publicly distribute the depiction

An aboveground porn industry doesn't exist in Iran, but in this era of camcorders and the Internet, amateur porn has flourished. Voyeurism is big: government-approved intrusive-ness and a general awareness of peoples double lives make snooping a habit, if not a guilty pleasure. Peoples appetites were initially fulfilled by the curious distribution of home movies showing ordinary citizens' parties and family gath­erings. Circulated next were videos of celebrities attending

illegal mixed-gender gatherings where alcohol was served, as well as photos of the unveiled faces of actresses Next, more flesh was exposed on film: women in swimsuits were photo­graphed, sometimes with hidden cameras and cell phones

Before long, the movies grew more daring. Men secretly filmed their girlfriends in their bedrooms, though not neces­sarily naked or having sex; just being there with a man and without a veil was shocking enough Sometimes the images were used to blackmail the women, causing scandal and disgrace Three years ago a film appeared on the Internet showing 13 high school girls wearing Western-style clothes and dancing without veils at a birthday party. Fearing their parents' reaction, all 13 committed suicide Soon after a man in the northern city of Ray beat his daughter to death when he thought he recognized her wearing "revealing" clothes and partying with Iranian soccer players in some footage He was mistaken and was sentenced to three years in jail

Finally the first overtly sexy film of willing participants began to circulate. A group of young women from the southern city of Ahvaz danced and stripped in front of the camera, a kind of Iranian Girls Gone Wild that did big business Then came Narges <?. the first homegrown sex movie to allegedly feature a well-known personality. Given the low overhead of DVD replication, it earned those who distributed it a fortune—as well as a possible death sentence Seven entrepreneurs are currently awaiting their fate behind bars, but many others have jumped into the market: as a result the film can be found in street bazaars, car trunks and. most helpfully, the hands of home-delivery mer­chants. Among these filmei. as the latter are commonly known, is one Mr. Farhang. whose name evidently reflects his sensibili­ties, since it translates into English as Mr Culture

"Getting home delivery isn't all that easy." he says "You must be referred by someone the supplier already knows, and then initial contact should be by phone in order to estab­lish trust. Eighty to 85 percent of (continued on page 98)

UN Ilv/vIN (continued from page 52)

my clients demand porn material from me, and these are mostly wealthy men, although in the case of the Ebrahimi movie women have also been interested in seeing an actress display her femi­ninity within a private space. This is a growing industry."

And in response, the government has become more threatening. "Before­hand, if we were arrested, we'd be thrown in jail and would have to pay a fine,' he says. "But now things are more dangerous. I'm frightened."

The Iranian people have grown quite adept at maintaining appearances. As long as a woman wears a hijab—a body-concealing outfit and veil—her inner beliefs are her own. The facade is all that counts, and the result is that dur­ing the past 28 years two very different lifestyles have existed side by side.

A walk on the streets of Tehran sug­gests a population governed by strict religious and moral values. This is also the image projected overseas. Move just outside the city center, however, and you'll find women undermining the government's authority by wearing heavy makeup and reducing their hijabs to fashionably tight, sexy outfits. On many you'll see nose bandages, betray­ing an appetite for cosmeuc surgery. And behind closed doors, there's even greater deviation. In the eyes of many Iranians, the only change wrought upon them by the Islamic revolution is that once they prayed in private and partied in public and now it's the other way around.

It is a Thursday night in the summer of 2005, the Saturday-like height of the Islamic weekend. A party is taking place in Shahrak Gharb, a neighborhood in northwest Tehran, at a large white man­sion owned by a businessman who made a fortune importing machine parts in the years following the revolution. The house is typical of the area—modern yet unpre­tentious from the outside. Guests have been asked to deflect official attention by staggering their arrival and coming by taxi or not parking too close to the house.

Most in attendance are in their 30s or older, couples, some married, all affluent. Or at least they seem that way. dressed in designer clothes, the women dripping in jewelry under the mandatory long coats they wear with head scarves that they remove the second thev enter the house.

This is standard practice lor any party or get-together in Iran, as is the need to keep the coats and scarves close at hand in case of a police raid. Also handy are wet-wipe tissues for makeup removal, as well as chewing gum and breath spray to mask the smell of alcohol.

A police raid tonight, however, is unlikely. The host has already paid a police officer not only to be incurious but to provide all the liquor. Not a bad deal. The drinks are in the kitchen, hidden in a cupboard and served in plastic cups that can easily be ditched should a uniformed cop drop by. Soft drinks and snacks are being served by a team of maids in the main room, where people are talking and mingling, and in the rooms en suite, where some are dancing to both Arabic and Iranian pop music—with the appro­priate moves for each—and listening to an assortment of English and .American hits.

Next door is the obligatory opium room. People sit on velvet floor cushions next to small tables with dates and other sweet snacks and pass the pipe; smoke rises as poetry is read and mellow Ira­nian classical music is played. Among the guests is Catayon, a 42-year-old home-maker with an open attitude toward sex. Her husband, I raj, has another wife, which isn't outrageous in a society where up to four are allowed, along with a string of lovers, which is also less than remark­able for a wealthy man. At least Catayon feels entitled to take lovers of her own.

"I knew before we arrived that I raj had been trying to get close to Mitra, a friend whose marriage is going through a rocky time because her husband spent a week­end with my half sister," Catayon later recalls. "As soon as we got to the party, he poured Mitra a drink and began talk­ing with her. That was fine—it gave me the opportunity to chat with Kamshad, whom I had always fancied. Since Kam-shad's wife was spending the summer in the United States, I could have him to myself. We both knew it wouldn't be long before Iraj and Mitra would disappear into one of the upstairs bedrooms, and at that point we could find a quiet corner."

This kind of scene, although not com­monplace, serves as a counterpoint to the fundamentalist extreme often portrayed as the norm to the outside world. There's a widespread misconception in the West that sex outside marriage is illegal in Iran, but in fact Islam permits sex outside mar­riage as long as it is conducted within a legal framework known as seigheh. This is a temporary contract between a man and

a woman that allows sexual interaction and sets conditions including the financial obligations of the parties and the actual duration, which can range from a few hours to many years.

This controversial practice, which dates back to the beginning of Islam, lost its popularity in modern Iran until (he revolution, when it passed into law. Since then it has commonly been emploveil by young couples avoiding government harassment, poor or divorced women seeking protection and financial support, and others. Though widely regarded as a loophole legalizing prostitution, sriglvh could be another way ol exonerating Zahra Amir Kbrahimi should matters proceed to that extent.

It may seem surprising that religious hard-liners would allow such a spongy exception, but those crusty-looking mullahs and avatollahs aren't nearlv as narrow-minded as many people think. Over the years, several of them have taken it upon themselves to serve as the nation's sexual arbiters. Indeed, for years following the revolution, one of the most popular TV programs in Iran was one viewers called the Gili Show, Lach must-see episode featured the Avatollah Gilani discoursing on a particular topic, often of a sexual nature, and discussing the rights and wrongs as they pertain to sharia law.

Today Iranians use the Internet to hear similar advice from avatollahs all over the Middle East. For instance, at islamonline.net, a site run by Al-Ja/eera Publishing, Iranians can see Qatar-based cleric Sheikh Yusuf al-O_aradawi declare that "Muslim jurists are of the opinion that it is lawful for the husband to per­form cunnilingus on his wife or a wife to perform the similar act for her husband, and there is no wrong in doing so. But if sucking leads to releasing semen, then it is makrtih [blameworthy], although there is no decisive evidence to forbid it." On the same website visitors are cautioned "not to develop any of the medical symp­toms that may result from masturbation, such as weak eyesight, a weak nervous system and/or back pain. More impor­tant, feelings of guilt and anxiety can be complicated by missing obligatory prayers because of the need to shower after every incidence of masturbation."

Thanks to external influences as well as Islam's practicality about the subject, sexual mores have definitely been relaxed. "In sexual matters, most Iranians take their lead from Iraj Mirza," says Re/a, a psychologist, referring to the early 20th century poet and intellectual known for his extremely graphic musings on the subject. "His advice was to do it but not talk about it. Well. Iranians' attitudes toward sex are currently evolving. These days, virginity is still an important issue in many towns and villages, where young girls could lose (continued on p<ige 137)

SEX IN IRAN

Itoiiliniml from page Wj their lives lor indulging in illicit sex. Vet for many guys m Ichran the whole issue of a fill's vicinity is no longer relevant."

Oddly, says Re/a, this change may be the unintentional consequence of some government policies. "Years ago boys and gil Is would date by meeting in parks and other public places. Thanks to the government's harsh regulations, this is no longer possible. The only place they can hook up is behind closed doors, so instead ol things progressing slowly, the teens end up in bed faster than ever. On average, teenagers now have sex on their second or third dale", and doing so is con­sidered normal among large sections of the nation's youth."

Such changes have taken place in many countries but are happening so rapidly in Iran that the government hasn't had time to plan its next move. A scxiocultural revolu­tion heavily influenced by the West is con­fronting these nations head-on, and those in power find themselves (aught between the devil and the deep blue Caspian Sea.

Kayvan knows all about his friend Roz-beh's sex parties. The 24-year-old college student had such a great time at (he three he attended that he asked if he could bring his friend I'ouya to the next gath­ering, and Ko/bch agreed. Like Kayvan, I'ouya is a rich kid studying computing, but at the age of 22 he's never gone to this kind of party before, so he's feeling a bit self-conscious when Ro/beh greets them at the door of his parents villa in I.avasan, a suburb of northern Tehran, on a warm and sunny evening in the fall of 2006. Bui I'ouya's nerves quickly disappear when Ko/bch. dressed in a fashionably loose sweater and baggy pants, ushers the two young men into .1 romantically can­dlelit main room and introduces them to four girls sitting on a leather sola. All are wearing sexy, light-lilting lops and jeans, and two other guvs are silting at the bar. drinking wine and vodka.

"The number of men and women should always be equal," says Ro/beh. lie's a computer-studies student from a wealthy family and sports designer stub­ble and spikv gelled hair. Alter all. when people pair up and have sex, we can't have someone left on his or her own."

The extent ol I'ouya's track record in the sack may consist ofacoupleofiimes with his girlfriend, vet he isn't shy. On this particular evening he's not all that chcx>sy about whom he'll end up with. "It's just one night," he reasons, "and afterward we'll never nice! again. All things being equal, ihough. he'd rather have- a girl younger than he is. some­one less experienced. Like most of his fellow eounii"vmen, he would prelcr lo save lace than learn something new.

Seven couples have been invited lo the party, and when Ro/beh puts on .1

heavy-metal album they all start danc­ing on cue. Keenly aware of needing to escape police attention, the host avoids cranking up the volume. Often, dancing lasts several hours, but it's hardly the key item on tonight's agenda.

It's true that these party animals are from rich and middle-class backgrounds, and that they belong to a faster crowd than most kids do. But it's also true that they are pacesetters. Other young people may not be as daring, but they're also image con­scious and interested in fun; in that way they too challenge authority and pose a threat to the government.

Though sex may be discussed on televi­sion, it's usually a verboten subject in the average Iranian home. Pouya's parents have no idea how he spends his time, or they choose to have no idea as long as he's not overly involved in politics. "My going to university makes them very comfortable, he says, "and they don't give much thought to who I'm seeing or what I'm doing."

Indeed, college provides kids with a no-quc-stions-asked safety net. which may be why the Department of Education recently warned families about the rapidly increas­ing level of drug use among students. Still, there are protocols. "No one does drugs at sex parties." Kayvan insists. "If they do drugs before coming to the party, that's another matter. Sex parties are different from X |)arties"—ecstasy-fueled raves— "where you can find everything from grass to crack. At sex parties there's just drink to help people lose their inhibitions."

They may lose their inhibitions, but they don't totally misplace them. Compatibility and confidentiality remain keys to a good time. Couples generally require their own rooms, meaning that even in larger homes, guest lists never exceed 20 people. Group sex and switching partners are virtually

unknown. "I've never seen group sex." says Karshad. one of the other male guests. "At the end ol the nighl, when evenone's totally drunk, people may fall on lop of one other and play around, but I've never seen it lead to very much, (irdiip sex is for the movies. As far as I'm concerned, the girl I sleep with at a party is mine until the night is over. We are, after all. Iranians, and there's something in our psyche that precludes certain kinds ol behavior."

The relationships end with the night. "That's the rule,' says Kayvan. "and you can be sure that if I'm invited to Ro/beh's next sex party. 1 won't meel the girls who were here tonight. We don t enjoy being recognized, and it's also more fun to sleep with someone when you know nothing of her past or future. Instead, for a lew hours you can just focus on the moment."

Still, why do these young men risk arrestr It's not lor sex; alter all. the govern­ment allows sviglwh. What the government is against is pure fun, and this is what the young people are Homing. People need to have fun," Kayvan says. "Leisure time is all about going to parties and having dtink, drugs and even sex with a girl. It's about lud—enjoying yourself to the fullest. And it's the same for girls. They enjoy having sex too. and they want it. Of course, for 5.000 to fi.000 hmmn [55 to S(i] 1 can have sex with a prostitute, but sex isn't what it's all about. It's about partying, dancing to heavy-metal music, being with friends and plenty of lud." These days, hal is the mantra of the young, while that of their parents is "See no evil, hear no evil." This, after all, is a country of pretense: While the govern­ment pretends it doesn't know about its citizens' private transgressions, the par­ents pretend they don't know the extent of their children's double lives, and the offspring pretend they're obeying the-

rules—up to a point. "I've been arrested a number of times," says Leila, a 23-year-old coed at yet another covert party in the Tehran suburbs. At this one there's only dancing and drinking, which means all present are taking a huge risk to have what a vast portion of the world regards as fun. "The first time, I was frightened, but after that I didn't care. It's always the same: The police are rude, they push us around, and then they take us to an overnight prison where they question us and give us advice. Maybe they slap some of the guys in the face. They're such idiots."

Since the arrests aren't a big deal to Leila, she acts with little sense of fear or shame. "The government is an irrelevant nuisance," she shrugs. "My father has to

pay a 100,000 toman fine [SI00] every time I'm arrested."

"So what?" interjects her friend Sahar. "Our parents wanted the revolution. Let them pay!"

Skeptical of promises of an afterlife, fed up with social restrictions and bear­ing the brunt of the country"s chronic unemployment, Iranian youths are well aware of how their peers live elsewhere in the world. Thanks to satellite TV and the Internet, they see the excite­ment and opportunities denied to them, and they're angry. They hold their gov­ernment responsible for the country's lousy economic situation as well as its international isolation. They struggle with a national pride that was badly

bruised when reformist former president Mohammad Khatami's hopes for a "dia­logue among civilizations" evaporated when President Bush named Iran to the "axis of evil" in '2002. That was soon fol­lowed by ihe election of anti-American populist Ahmadmc|ad 10 the presidency. He promised 10 restore that pride, cre­ate more jobs and light corruption. To date, little of this has been realized, leav­ing young people feeling trapped with no way forward, betrayed by and ambivaleni toward a West whose freedom and fash­ions they invariably try to emulate.

That's why many among this genera­tion of educated and intelligent voung people choose to live in ihe moment, justifying their party lifestyle as resis­tance to the authorities, as a cry for democracy. In response the govern­ment has displayed a little more tol­erance toward their Western-inspired activities and pro-Western attitudes. Call it a compromised democracy, one that enables people to speak effectively through their vote for parliamentar­ians and the president while ceding ultimate control to an unelected. all-powerful supreme leader.

As a nation, Iran is wary of the interfer­ence of foreign powers. During the 20th century, the country's path to democracy was often thwarted by the goals of great powers, the United States included, and by homegrown authoritarians who seized power in the name of social progress and national security. Today the country feels threatened again. If the current nuclear dispute serves as a pretext for the West to impose sanctions or take actions even more drastic, the regime will have all the excuse it needs to strangle civil rights and avert—or at least delay—its own demise. Yet a more open and less confrontational approach would make it more likely thai the coun­try can stay on the path to democracy Last December's local elections showed that few are happy with Ahmadinejad, bill thai doesn't mean the regime is in danger ol collapse, and a hard-line policy out ol Washington will only help prop il up. Instead, an approach thai invites dialogue and perhaps other inducements is far more likely lo per­suade authorities to observe human rights and encourage a population that is actually very pro-Western lo push for greater freedom. The lime is ripe. The Kbrahimi affair has damaged the government-contrived facade of ubiq­uitous ultraconservatism, and it's no longer a <|iieslion ol if but when the veil will be lifted on the real Iran. Thanks lo an amateur sex video that has deliv­ered a direct hit to ihe status cjiio, the government's propaganda has been laid as bare as the lovers on the screen.

MORE AND MORE IRANIANS ARE FILMING THEIR OWN SEX.

Before the revolution Iranians prayed in private and partied in public. Now it's the other way around.